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  • liyunzhao shared from The Hundred-Year Marathon: China's Secret Strategy to Replace America as the Global Superpower by Michael Pillsbury
    The unwritten rules of the game soon became clear: the candidates were allowed no public assemblies, no television ads, and no campaign posters. They were not allowed to criticize any policy implemented by the Communist Party, nor were they free to criticize their opponents on any issue. There would be no American-style debates over taxes or spending or the country’s future. The only thing a candidate could do was to compare his personal qualities to those of his opponent.
  • liyunzhao shared from The Hundred-Year Marathon: China's Secret Strategy to Replace America as the Global Superpower by Michael Pillsbury
    Chinese leaders have persuaded many in the West to believe that China’s rise will be peaceful and will not come at others’ expense, even while they adhere to a strategy that fundamentally rejects this.
  • liyunzhao shared from a Personal Document
    由于有这些,我才在全方位孤独、人为刀俎我为鱼肉的岁月里,理解了“祖国”这两个字的涵义,感觉到了自己与它的联系,以及与历史、与整个文化人类的联系。不管这联系是何等渺茫虚幻,甚至是想象的产物,作为轭下的奴隶,它就是全部的生存意义
  • liyunzhao shared from The Love Letters of Abelard and Heloise (Penguin Classics) by Pierre Abelard, Heloise
    Pleasures [p. 15] tasted sparingly and with difficulty have always a higher relish, whilst everything that is easy and common grows stale and insipid.'
  • liyunzhao shared from The Lazy Winner by Peter Taylor
    Don't waste your valuable time in correcting mistakes – avoid the mistakes in the first place.
  • liyunzhao shared from a Personal Document
    此项报告对诸原则的陈述,始于这样一个预设,即对美国宪政制度的维护,"要比即时地采用不论具有多大禆益的立法更具无可比拟的重要性……"。它宣称"要持续且恒久地维护与人治的政府(governmentandrulebymen)相区别的依法而治的政府(governmentandrulebylaw),而且我们认为,我们实际上只是在重申作为合众国宪法基础的那些原则"。该项报告继续指出,"如果要求最高法院去迎合那些因政治上的缘故而引发的一时高涨的情绪,那么最高法院最终必定会受制于一时的舆论压力,而这种舆论很可能会融入当时的暴民情绪,并与一较为冷静的长远的考虑相违背……在处理与人权相关的自由政府这类大问题时,人们可能只有在最高法院的判决中,而不可能在伟大的政治家的著述和实践中,发现关于自由政府的精深且恒久的哲学"
  • liyunzhao shared from a Personal Document
    法律应当由一部分人制定,并由另一部分人实施;换言之,立法与司法的性质必须加以严格的区分。当此类职责集于同一个人或同一个机构时,他或它就往往会因为询私情而制定出规定特定情形的特定的法律,旨在实现一己的目的;如果立法机构与司法机构分立,那么立法机构就会制定出一般性的法律,因为立法者在立法之时毋须亦无从预见这些法律将对谁产生影响;而在法律被制定出来以后,它们则必须由另一部分人亦即司法机构来实施,即让这些法律去影响它们将影响的人……如果法律将要影响的当事人和利益群体先就为立法者所知,那么立法者就必然会倾向于一方或另一方;如果不仅没有既定的规则来调整立法者的决定,而且也没有超乎于其上的力量去控制立法者的程序,那么立法者的偏向就将严重侵损公共正义的完整性(the integrityofpublicjustice)。而这种境况必将导致如下结果:这样一种政体下的臣民就会生活于没有恒定之法的境况之中,这即是说,生活于没有任何众所周知的先已确立的司法规则的境况之中;或者说,这些臣民即使生活于有法律的境况之中,这些法律也是为特定的人而制定的,其间充满了矛盾和这些法律所赖以产生的种种不公正的动机
  • liyunzhao shared from a Personal Document
    人们经常说,古人并不知道"个人自由"意义上的那种自由。这种说法的确可以适用于古希腊诸邦及某些时期,但却绝不适用于巅峰时期的雅典(甚或亦不能适用于晚期的共和罗马);它也可能适用于柏拉图时期的衰败的民主政制,但是对于雅典人的自由民主制来说则否
(zhangjiagang city,jiangsu province,China)
liyunzhao